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الإصلاح
La Réforme
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A román–magyar összefogás említett példáinak nagy szerepe volt abban, hogy a délkelet-európai népek eredményesen tudtak küzdeni a török hódítók ellen. Az összefogás felismerésében és megteremtésében pedig elévülhetetlen érdemeket szerzett Hunyadi János. E közös harcokban megmutatkozó páratlan vitézsége tette azzá Hunyadit, aki volt:
Megrontója büszke tarnak,
Idegen nép hőse is lett
Derék hőse a magyarnak.
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Brutal ethnic conflicts on the territories of the former Yugoslavia was evidence that the question of constitutions of belated nation states cannot be solved along ethnic lines of separation. Generally speaking, two main explanations of the Balkan conflict prevailed in Western Europe, both with significant political implications. The first saw disintegration of the former Yugoslavia as an archaic or anachronistic -return of ancestral hatreds-
The second, in contrast saw destruction of former Yugoslavia as part of a belated nation-state building process, as an unavoidable stage on the Balkan bloody road to Modernity.
The main problem with the nation-state building in the Balkans is that in borrowing Western models the new states tend to adopt an ethnic definition of nationhood (based on historic, linguistic, religious and cultural identity) and a centralised -jacobine- concept of the state. Logic would require a degree of substantiality; conversely, a centralised concept of the state should, again for the sake of consistency, have an inclusive, civic definition of the nation. But the tendency in the multiethnic environment of the Balkans to combine an ethnic concept of the nation with a centralised concept of the state was a recipe for disaster. On closer examination interpretations prevailing in Western Europe during the Yugoslav conflict, -ancestral hatreds- and ethnic uniformisation as part of a nation-state building process, were contrasting projections of Western European experiences. Those prevailing interpretations of Balkan’s national conflicts even function inside -democratic discourse-
It is well known that all democratic states used to be national, but that all nation states are not democratic; but, a civil nation becomes a social form of political transcending of an ethnic-only when the citizens have succeeded to politically elaborate its multiethnic background.
Of course, as Habermas observed,
Despite the importance of the historical convergence of nationality and republicanism in the formation of the nation-state; this was only a contingent link: republicanism is neither conceptually nor practically dependent on nationality, and the twentieth century in particular has provided grotesques examples of the dangers of emphasizing the connection between ethnos and demos.
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Alegerea lui însemna pentru el că Pământul Sfânt, Ierusalimul, era în stăpânirea lui Hristos şi Scaunului apostolic, şi că el însuşi nu putea fi decât un mandatar care îşi aduce braţul în slujba Bisericii.
În Imperiul germanic, într-adevăr, păzitorul şi protectorul Bisericii, devenea deseori senior, onorând autoritatea ecleziastică.
Misiunea ce-i revenea lui Godefroy, ca Apărător, Campion şi Salvator al Sfântului Mormânt, este simplă:
Să păzească oraşul cucerit şi mormântul lui Hristos.
Lucrarea cuprindea şi distribuirea de pământuri cavalerilor, cucerirea oraşelor din împrejurimi, pacificarea, împărţirea dreptăţii, refacerea vieţii economice a ţării. Godefroy a acţionat ca un conducător, aşa cum împlinise şi ca duce în ţinutul său, şi cu o autoritate care, la început moderată şi deloc pretenţioasă, devenea cu timpul tot mai categorică.
Şi-a atribuit Turnul lui David pe care îl cucerise Raymond de Saint-Gilles, care voia să-l păstreze pentru sine; a organizat o vistierie, a creat feude, a mers la cucerirea altor fortăreţe, s-a întrevăzut cu liderii musulmani, impresionaţi de prestigiul său.
Islamica Republică 